Abstract
Introduction
El
Yahweh
Elohim
It is during the Persian era that P equated Yahweh with Elohim. Schmid also writes that the Priestly source makes a
decision to consider a category as a proper noun. If the only God coincides with the category “gods,” then it is a logical consequence that all the other gods are included in this notion of God (capitalized). Others may venerate him as Zeus or Ahuramazda, but actually, it is just God.17
During this time Yahweh was positioned as a manifestation of Ahura Mazda, the god of the Persian Empire, perhaps a pragmatic move allowing greater ease for the function of the cult in Yehud.21 Naturally, the emergence of empires in the Near East would have caused syncretism among gods to some extent, as conquerors such as the Persians would have wanted to equate their gods, for political and possibly economic reasons, with those of conquered vassal kingdoms.22 The rise of empires would have led to a decrease in the number of deities perceived in the divine realm, leading towards what we understand today as monotheism. This was one factor and precursor towards monotheism and an impetus for the ascendancy of Elohim, a process reflected in Second Isaiah:
If the political dimension of the vision of the poems is consonant with Persian policy of the economic and political revival of Yehud, and the role of Jerusalem as the center of the cult of Yahweh the universal god consistent with Persian religious policy, then we may reasonably suggest that the presentation of Yahweh as aniconic is part of that development whereby the old local deity, probably still worshipped in Jerusalem during the sixth century, becomes identified with the high god of the Persian empire, elsewhere known under the names of Marduk and Ahuramazda. The latter, as is known, was worshipped aniconically (as opposed to Anahita).23
Implications for Today
Footnotes
1 On fuzziness, see Ehud Ben Zvi, ‘Exploring the Memory of Moses The Prophet in Late Persian/Early Hellenistic Yehud/Judah’, in D. V. Edelman and E. Ben Zvi (eds), Remembering Biblical Figures in the Late Persian and Early Hellenistic Periods (Oxford: OUP, 2013), 335–64, on 363.
2 Meindert Dijkstra, ‘El, the God of Israel—Israel, the People of YHWH: On the Origins of Ancient Israelite Yahwism’, in B. Becking and M. Dijkstra (eds), Only One God? Monotheism in Ancient Israel and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001), 81–126; Mark Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2002), 32; Mark Smith, The Origins of Biblical Monotheism: Israel’s Polytheistic Background and the Ugaritic Texts (Oxford: OUP, 2001); Mark Smith, The Memoirs of God: History, Memory, and the Experience of the Divine in Ancient Israel (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 2004), 142–5. Although it has been suggested the term “Israel” is evidenced early on in Mesopotamia, it is doubtful it makes an appearance prior to the Late Bronze Age, on the Merneptah Stele in Egypt. References or apparent attestations of Israel and Yahweh prior to the Iron Age in the Levant are not conclusive.
3 Frank Moor Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973), 60–75.
4 John Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 13–17; Mark S. Smith, God in Translation: Deities in Cross-Cultural Discourse in the Biblical World (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 96–8.
5 See James S. Anderson, Monotheism and Yahweh’s Appropriation of Baal (London: Bloomsbury, 2015), 100–2.
6 On gods merging in the ancient world, see W. G. Lambert, ‘The Historical Development of the Mesopotamian Pantheon: A Study in Sophisticated Polytheism’, in H. Goedicke and J. J. M. Roberts (eds), Unity and Diversity: Essays in the History, Literature, and Religion of the Ancient Near East (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1975), 193; Jan Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997); Tikva Frymer-Kensky, In the Wake of the Goddesses: Women, Culture, and the Biblical Transformation of Pagan Myth (New York: Free Press, 1992), 86; Niels Peter Lemche, Ancient Israel: A New History of Israelite Society (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988), 228; Smith, God in Translation.
7 On the likelihood that Ahura Mazda represents a composited deity, see John M. Cook, The Persian Empire (London: The Chaucer Press, 1983), 146–57, on 147 for the discussion of the triad of Ahura Mazda, Anahita, and Mithra.
8 Bibliography in Anderson, Monotheism, 101, n. 10.
9 See Anderson, Monotheism, 100–2.
10 See J. Andrew Dearman, Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab (Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1989).
11 ‘Yehud’ is the Aramaic term for the Persian province that comprised Jerusalem and its surroundings.
12 Karel van der Toorn, ‘God (I) םיהלא’, in K. van der Toorn, B. Becking and P. W. van der Horst (eds) Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999), 352.
13 Anderson, Monotheism, 184.
14 Konrad Schmid, ‘The Quest for ‘God’: Monotheistic Arguments in the Priestly Texts of the Hebrew Bible’, in B. Pongratz-Leisten (ed.), Reconsidering the Concept of Revolutionary Monotheism, (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2011), 271–89.
15 Schmid, ‘Quest’, 289.
16 For the Priestly source evidencing this phenomenon in the Persian era, see Philippe Guillaume, Land and Calendar: The Priestly Document from Genesis 1 to Joshua 18 (New York: T&T Clark, 2009).
17 Schmid, ‘Quest’, 285.
18 See Joel Burnett, A Reassessment of Biblical Elohim (Atlanta, GA: SBL, 2001).
19 Diana Edelman, ‘Introduction’, in D. V. Edelman (ed.), The Triumph of Elohim: From Yahwisms to Judaism (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 22–3.
20 Thomas L. Thompson, ‘The Intellectual Matrix of Early Biblical Narrative: Inclusive Monotheism in Persian Period Palestine’, in Edelman (ed.), The Triumph of Elohim, 107–24 and the comments by Edelman, ‘Introduction’, 22.
21 Philip R. Davies, On the Origins of Judaism (London: Equinox, 2011), 98.
22 Diana Edelman, ‘From Prophets to Prophetic Books: Fixing the Divine Word’, in E. Ben Zvi and D. V. Edelman (eds), The Production of Prophecy: Constructing Prophecy and Prophets in Yehud (London: Equinox, 2009), 29–54; Smith, God in Translation.
23 Philip R. Davies, ‘God of Cyrus, God of Israel: Some Religio-Historical Reflections on Isaiah 40–55’, in J. Davis, G. Harvey, and W. G. E. Watson (eds), Words Remembered, Texts Renewed: Essays in Honour of John F. A. Sawyer (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 223.
24 This descriptive for Yahweh, namely Sabaoth or of Hosts, is likely an early descriptor of Yahweh. It suggests an entourage or council of sorts. Elohim joined or equated with Yahweh would have been a later, Persian era development as argued here.
25 On this, see Diana Edelman, ‘God Rhetoric: Reconceptualizing YHWH Sebaot as YHWH Elohim in the Hebrew Bible’, in E. Ben Zvi, D. V. Edelman and F. Polak (eds), A Palimpsest: Rhetoric, Ideology, Stylistics, and Language Relating to Persian Israel (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias, 2009), 93–120.
26 See Thomas M. Bolin, ‘The Temple of והי at Elephantine and Persian Religious Policy’, in Edelman (ed.), The Triumph of Elohim, 127–42.
27 A Late Babylonian text currently housed at the British Museum reads: Uras (is) Markuk of planting; Lugalidda (is) Marduk of the abyss; Ninurta (is) Marduk of the pickaxe; Nergal (is) Marduk of battle; Zababa (is) Marduk of warfare; Enlil (is) Marduk of lordship and consultations; Nabu (is) Marduk of accounting; Sin (is) Marduk who lights up the night; Samas (is) Marduk of justice; Adad (is) Marduk of rain; Tispak (is) Marduk of troops; Great Anu (is) Marduk of…; Suqamuna (is) Marduk of the container; […(is)] Marduk of everything. On this text, see W. G. Lambert, ‘The Historical Development of the Mesopotamian Pantheon: A Study in Sophisticated Polytheism’, in H. Goedicke and J. J. M. Roberts (eds), Unity & Diversity: Essays in the History, Literature, and Religion of the Ancient Near East (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1975), 198. More examples in Smith, God in Translation, 170–5. Smith notes that the ending of the Neo-Babylonian version of Enuma Elish suggests that the names of other deities are aspects of Marduk; that is, they only exist because of the one Marduk. Marduk seems to be one of the paramount divinities by which this growing movement toward monotheism expresses itself. Ninurta is another. Yahweh’s ascendancy also entailed the appropriation of other deities’ domains: see Anderson, Monotheism. On the deity Aššur subsuming other gods in Assyria, seeS. Parpola, ‘Monotheism in Ancient Assyria’, Transactions of the Casco Bay Assyriological Institute 1 (2000): 165–209.
28 For example, the Mandukya Upanishad, which in verse 2 expresses the idea that all is Brahman. Chhāndogya Upanishad 3.14.1 reads, “All that we see in the world is Brahman.” Conversely, there are many Hindus who believe that Brahman was birthed by the deity Vishnu, and that it is Vishnu who is the top god, but he is understood by many as frequently being worshipped via his avatars such as Krishna. For a Hindu text that portrays Krishna in a monotheistic manner, one should see the Bhagavad-Gita from the larger epic Mahabharata. For this one can see the chapter entitled “The Universal Manifestation”, in Yogi Ramacharaka, The Bhagavad Gite or The Message of the Master, rev. edn (Chicago, IL: Yogi Publication Society, 1930), 110–22.
29 See John L. Esposito, Darrell J. Fasching, and Todd Lewis, World Religions Today (New York: OUP, 2002), 296.
30 N. Fox, ‘Concepts of God in Israel and the Question of Monotheism’, in G. Beckman and T. Lewis (eds), Text, Artifact and Image: Revealing Ancient Israelite Religion (Providence, RI: Brown Judaic Studies, 2006), 328.
31 See Burton L. Visotzky, Reading the Book: Making the Bible a Timeless Text (New York: Schocken Books, 1996), 2.
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